Ending Russia’s war against Ukraine requires collective action on multiple fronts. We can categorize possible actions into three levels of impact: First-Order Measures, which are the most direct and high-impact steps; Second-Order Measures, which work indirectly or on a larger scale to weaken the war effort; and Third-Order Measures, which provide crucial support and humanitarian aid.

First-Order Measures (Most Effective) Link to heading

These are the most immediate and powerful ways individuals and allies can help Ukraine defeat the invasion. They directly weaken Russia’s ability to wage war or strengthen Ukraine’s ability to fight.

Fighting in the Ukrainian Armed Forces or Foreign Legion Link to heading

One of the most direct ways to stop the war is to join the fight on Ukraine’s side. Ukraine openly welcomes foreign volunteers into its International Legion of Defense. By early 2024, around 20,000 foreigners from 55 countries were serving in Ukraine’s armed forces. Each additional trained soldier on the battlefield increases Ukraine’s capacity to liberate territory and hasten the end of the war. Volunteers with military experience can make an outsized impact by filling critical roles (infantry, medics, instructors) and bringing valuable skills. It is dangerous and requires commitment, but it directly degrades the Russian military and helps protect Ukrainian civilians. Ukraine’s government has made it relatively straightforward to enlist via embassies or online applications. Every extra platoon of motivated fighters brings victory closer.

Donating to the Armed Forces of Ukraine or Trusted Ukrainian Foundations Link to heading

Money fuels war, and Ukraine needs funds to arm and equip its defenders. Financial contributions are one of the easiest high-impact actions for those abroad. The National Bank of Ukraine operates a special account. 100% of donations through official channels (such as the National Bank or President Zelenskyy’s United24 platform) go toward defense and humanitarian projects. These funds buy drones, armor, vehicles, and ammunition that directly strengthen Ukraine on the front line. For example, grassroots crowdfunding has paid for TB2 Bayraktar drones and even a satellite for Ukrainian intelligence. In one case, Lithuanians raised €5.9 million in three days to purchase a combat drone for Ukraine – a campaign so successful the manufacturer donated the drone free of charge. Such crowd-sourced war funding has become a key part of Ukraine’s resilience. Donating any amount – whether to the Armed Forces directly or to reputable NGOs like the Come Back Alive foundation – translates into helmets, medical kits, and firepower for those risking their lives. The cumulative effect of global donations is enormous: Western governments have frozen tens of billions in Russian assets, but ordinary people worldwide have also contributed hundreds of millions of dollars to Ukraine’s defense. Every dollar or euro is an investment in ending the war sooner by ensuring Ukrainian soldiers have what they need to win.

Providing Intelligence to the Ukrainian Armed Forces Link to heading

Information can save lives and win battles. If you have access to actionable intelligence – whether as a local eyewitness in occupied areas, a hacker intercepting communications, or an analyst parsing satellite images – sharing it with Ukrainian authorities is a force multiplier. Ukraine has set up channels for civilians to report enemy positions (for instance, the eVorog chatbot on the Diia app lets any Ukrainian with a smartphone securely forward sightings of Russian troops. This crowdsourced intel has yielded real results: reports sent via the “e-Enemy” chatbot have enabled Ukrainian forces to launch successful strikes on Russian targets. In one coordinated effort, volunteer OSINT (open-source intelligence) sleuths and hackers have identified Russian units and even guided attacks. For example, the IT community has helped expose locations of enemy generals, and Ukraine’s Security Service confirmed that tips from ordinary people led to precise hits on Russian positions. If you possess satellite imagery analysis skills, cybersecurity expertise to breach enemy systems, or simply witness troop movements, feeding that information to Ukraine’s military or intelligence services directly undermines Russia’s war effort. Even Russians themselves can help: a growing number of anti-war Russians are secretly sharing documents and coordinates with Ukraine. Intelligence is power, and providing it accelerates the end of the war by making Ukrainian operations more effective.

Second-Order Measures (Indirect but Influential) Link to heading

Second-order measures attack the foundations of Russia’s war machine and rally international pressure. They may not have an immediate battlefield effect but weaken Russia’s capacity to continue the war over time. These actions often require collective effort or policy changes and can be harder for an individual to implement alone, yet they are hugely influential.

Documenting War Crimes Link to heading

Meticulously recording Russia’s atrocities in Ukraine both helps achieve justice and bolsters the resolve to end the war. Photographs, videos, witness testimonies, and forensic evidence of war crimes (such as the massacres in Bucha or Mariupol) have galvanized international support for Ukraine. Documentation ensures perpetrators can be prosecuted and also counters Russian disinformation that such events are “staged.” Ukrainian authorities, along with NGOs and citizen volunteers, have built a comprehensive database of tens of thousands of war crimes. This evidence has real impact: it led the International Criminal Court to issue arrest warrants for top Russian officials, including President Vladimir Putin, for the abduction of Ukrainian children. Every time a war crime is documented and exposed, Russia faces greater global condemnation and isolation. It also signals to Russian soldiers and leaders that they will be held accountable, potentially deterring further atrocities. While filming a destroyed hospital or interviewing survivors doesn’t stop a tank on the ground, it strengthens the case for war-crimes tribunals and keeps international pressure high, hastening the war’s end through diplomatic and legal avenues.

Leaving Russia Link to heading

For Russians who oppose the war, one impactful choice is to vote with your feet and deny Putin your talent, labor, and taxes. Since the full-scale invasion, an estimated 1 million Russians have fled their country, especially young professionals and tech experts. This “brain drain” is draining Russia’s economy and eroding the human capital that the regime needs to sustain a prolonged conflict. Mobilization orders in September 2022 triggered an exodus of tens of thousands of draft-age men literally within weeks, part of what Western observers believe may be more than a million total emigres. Each person who leaves represents one less engineer building weapons or one less recruit available for the army. The departure of educated, creative citizens also weakens Russia’s future and signals domestic discontent. Additionally, many expatriate Russians have become outspoken anti-war activists abroad, freely telling the truth about the war – something that was impossible under Russia’s harsh censorship. If you are Russian and cannot openly oppose the war at home, leaving the country both protects you from being conscripted and deprives the Kremlin of resources. It is a personal decision with profound collective impact: an emptying Russia is a weakening Russia.

Avoiding Paying Taxes in Russia Link to heading

Money is the lifeblood of Putin’s war. Roughly a third of Russia’s entire federal budget is now being poured into its military and war efforts. If you are a Russian citizen or business, finding ways to minimize taxes and fees that go to the state means less funding for the war machine. This might mean working off the books, delaying payments, or moving assets out of Russia. Of course, one must balance legal risks, but many Russians have resorted to creative means not to financially fuel the invasion they morally oppose. The effect can be significant: Russia doubled its defense spending – an unsustainable burden propped up by oil revenues and taxes. Every ruble less that goes into state coffers is a ruble not spent on bullets and missiles. When done en masse, tax avoidance and economic non-cooperation act as a form of internal sanctions. It pressures the government fiscally and signals public dissent. Alongside this, those who can should move their businesses and wealth to jurisdictions out of Putin’s reach. Cutting off the Kremlin’s funding will shorten its ability to wage war.

Sabotaging Military Supply Chains or War-Supporting Infrastructure Link to heading

In times of unjust war, sabotage becomes a patriotic act for those behind enemy lines. Brave activists in Russia and Belarus have already undertaken risky missions to disrupt the flow of troops and weapons. For example, a clandestine Russian group called “Stop the Wagons” has repeatedly blown up railway tracks and junctions to derail military transports heading toward Ukraine. By late 2022, at least six major railway sabotage incidents had been claimed by this group, frustrating Russia’s logistics. Similarly, mysterious fires and explosions have struck Russian military depots, oil refineries, and conscription offices since the war began. Each act of sabotage can delay or reduce the supplies reaching Russian units at the front, thereby saving Ukrainian lives. Even simple acts like disabling signaling equipment, damaging fuel trucks, or clogging roads at critical moments can hinder Russia’s operations. These indirect attacks on infrastructure create fear and confusion within Russia’s war apparatus – the UK Ministry of Defence noted that the Kremlin is increasingly alarmed that even a small number of its citizens are willing to resort to physical sabotage against the war. If you have the opportunity and moral conviction to safely sabotage something that supports the war (rails, telecom cables, etc.), you are effectively fighting the war from the inside. Such actions must be weighed carefully against personal risk, but they punch above their weight in hastening the war’s end.

Boycotting Russia’s Allies Link to heading

Russia does not stand entirely alone; it relies on a huge network of allied or neutral states to keep its economy and military running despite sanctions. Chief among these are China, India, Belarus (which hosts Russian troops and provides a staging ground), Iran (which supplies attack drones), North Korea (supplying munitions and soldiers), and others who trade with Russia. To increase pressure, individuals and nations can boycott goods and services from these Russian enablers. For instance, Belarus has faced new sanctions for its role in the invasion, but consumers can amplify this by refusing to buy Belarusian products like potash fertilizer or timber. Likewise, Iran’s provision of Shahed-136 kamikaze drones has drawn condemnation; avoiding Iranian oil or goods and urging your government to tighten sanctions on Tehran can limit that support. The logic is simple: if aiding Russia comes at too high an economic cost, these allies may reconsider or at least find themselves resource-strapped. Even countries not overtly allied with Russia but helping it skirt sanctions (China, Turkey, some Gulf states) should feel public and diplomatic pressure. China, for example, has increased trade with Russia and become a lifeline for selling its oil. Publicly calling out Chinese firms that secretly supply Russia with dual-use technology (like microchips found in Russian weapons) can push those companies to pull back for fear of secondary sanctions or reputational damage. In short, shaming and shunning Russia’s partners — refusing their products, cutting business ties, and pressing our leaders to sanction them — tightens the noose around Putin. It forces those countries to choose between aiding Russia or maintaining access to Western markets, hopefully eroding Russia’s support network over time.

Seizing Assets of Russian Oligarchs for Ukraine’s Benefit Link to heading

Freezing yachts and mansions is not just about punishment; it can directly aid Ukraine if we convert those assets into support. Governments around the world have already frozen over $30 billion worth of luxury property, bank accounts, and other holdings owned by sanctioned Russian oligarchs. Rather than letting those resources sit idle, there is a growing movement to confiscate them and use the proceeds to help Ukraine recover and defend itself. Several countries are changing laws to enable this: for example, the United States DOJ gained authority to transfer forfeited Russian assets to Ukraine, and Canada passed a law to seize and repurpose frozen assets. If you live in a democracy, you can lobby your representatives to support such measures – essentially turning Putin’s cronies’ wealth into Ukraine’s war chest. The sums at stake are huge. In total, Russia’s Central Bank has about $300 billion in reserves frozen abroad, and private Russian elites hold tens of billions more in overseas property. Even a portion of that redirected to Ukraine would fund a massive increase in defensive capability or reconstruction. By legally stripping war facilitators of their riches, we also send a message to Russia’s elite: the war is costing them dearly. That pressure from within may encourage influential Russians to push for an end to hostilities. Campaign for laws and court cases that turn seized Russian wealth into aid for Ukraine – it’s justice and support rolled into one.

Influencing US and EU Policymakers Link to heading

The United States, European Union, and other allies provide the majority of military and financial aid keeping Ukraine in the fight. Therefore, one of the most powerful things ordinary citizens elsewhere can do is ensure their governments remain steadfast in supporting Ukraine. Write to your representatives, join pro-Ukraine rallies, and vote for leaders who back Ukraine’s defense. Public opinion matters: when voters show strong support for helping Ukraine, policymakers are bolder in sending weapons and aid. Western assistance has been decisive. This includes advanced weapons like HIMARS rocket systems, air defenses, tanks, and soon possibly fighter jets, which dramatically increase Ukraine’s chances of victory. By lobbying lawmakers to continue deliveries of modern arms and financial relief, you directly shorten the war. Imagine if Ukraine lacked international support – it might have been overrun. Instead, constant pressure from concerned citizens has helped yield multiple aid packages from hesitant governments. Even decisions like Germany sending Leopard tanks or the US approving longer-range missiles came after persistent advocacy. Policymakers also respond to demonstrations of solidarity (for example, massive pro-Ukraine protests in European capitals early in the war signaled that the public demanded action). Don’t underestimate your voice: attend town halls, call congressional offices, start petitions. Emphasize that helping Ukraine is morally right and in your country’s interest for global security. Keeping allied governments unified and generous is paramount to ending the war on Ukrainian terms.

Pressuring the UN to Act More Decisively Link to heading

Thus far, the United Nations has been limited in its response to the war, mainly because Russia wields a veto in the Security Council. However, the UN isn’t entirely toothless. The General Assembly, where no country has a veto, voted 141–5 in March 2022 to condemn the invasion and demand Russia withdraw – an overwhelming moral stance by the international community. Citizens can urge their governments’ UN ambassadors to continue using creative mechanisms like “Uniting for Peace” resolutions to bypass Security Council paralysis. For example, widespread public pressure could encourage the UN to establish special tribunals for aggression or create an international compensation fund using frozen Russian assets (ideas already being discussed in diplomatic circles). We can also press the UN to expand humanitarian missions and monitoring in Ukraine. While the UN can’t send peacekeepers without Security Council approval, it can increase support to Ukrainian relief efforts and appoint high-profile envoys to push for peace. By keeping the war high on the UN agenda and not allowing it to be “normalized,” we maintain global diplomatic pressure on Russia. Writing to UN officials or rallying public opinion in countries that abstained in UN votes can convince more states to explicitly side with Ukraine. A more decisive UN stance – even if only symbolic – helps isolate Russia further. In short, let’s demand that the UN live up to its charter: aggressors should not get to wage war with impunity. Each additional rebuke or initiative from the UN adds weight to the effort to end the conflict.

Reducing Sanctions Evasion Networks Link to heading

The effectiveness of sanctions and export controls on Russia depends on closing loopholes. Thus, targeting the shadowy web of middlemen and third-party countries helping Russia circumvent restrictions is a potent indirect strategy. As an individual, you can support investigative journalism and advocacy that exposes these sanction-busting networks. Researchers have found, for instance, that Russia’s imports of critical goods (like microchips and machinery) rebounded to near pre-war levels by rerouting through countries like China, Turkey, the UAE, Armenia, and Kazakhstan. Publicizing these findings creates pressure on those governments to crack down on illicit re-exports. It also arms policymakers with justification to impose secondary sanctions on firms and banks facilitating the evasion. We’ve already seen the U.S. Treasury sanction Chinese and Emirati companies for supplying Russia’s military and warn others to steer clear. Individuals can aid this cause by boycotting companies known to be enabling Russia or by supporting organizations that trace components found on the battlefield back to their suppliers. Even something as simple as amplifying credible reports on social media about sanctions evasion can lead to action; governments often respond when there is public outcry that their sanctions are being undermined. By helping to “plug the leaks” in the sanctions regime – through awareness, consumer choices, and advocacy – you contribute to choking off the resources Putin needs to continue the war. When Russia can no longer import the high-tech parts for missiles or finds it hard to sell its oil due to lack of shippers and insurers, its war sustainability crumbles.

Reducing Chinese Influence that Supports Russia Link to heading

China has not directly joined the war, but it provides an economic lifeline to Moscow and often parrots Russian narratives on the world stage. Reducing China’s willingness or ability to aid Russia will, therefore, hasten war termination. This can be approached in several ways. One is diplomatic: urge your government to make it clear to Beijing that any substantial military support to Russia would trigger severe consequences. Thus far, China has mostly limited itself to buying discounted Russian oil and gas (which does bankroll Putin’s war chest) and selling dual-use electronics. But even those actions prop up Russia. International pressure has deterred China from overt weapons transfers – keeping that pressure is key. Another approach is economic: support policies that lessen democratic countries’ dependence on Chinese supply chains, so that China in turn has less leverage to subvert sanctions or bail out Russia. For instance, as consumers we can choose products made elsewhere when possible, sending a market signal. Additionally, calling out Chinese companies that have been caught smuggling Western airplane parts or semiconductors to Russia (through intermediaries) will make them think twice for fear of losing business in the West. Essentially, we must convince China that aligning too closely with a war-starting, sanction-hit Russia is bad for Chinese interests. If China were to, say, reduce its purchases of Russian oil or stop exporting certain technologies, Russia’s capacity to carry on would shrink. Rallying international partners like India or Gulf states to also moderate ties with Moscow can box Russia in. While individuals can’t change Chinese policy alone, we can contribute by supporting a firm stance against any Sino-Russian axis. Every bit of influence denied to Russia – whether financial, technological, or diplomatic – accelerates the war’s end.

Defending Democratic Institutions in Vulnerable Countries Link to heading

Russia’s war is not only fought with tanks in Ukraine; it’s also fought via subversion of other countries. The Kremlin has a long record of meddling in democracies – from spreading disinformation to funding extremist politicians – in order to weaken the international coalition against it. By bolstering our own and our allies’ democratic institutions, we indirectly help Ukraine. This means supporting independent media, cybersecurity for election systems, and civic education in places where Russian influence operations target. For example, U.S. intelligence revealed that Russia covertly spent over $300 million funding political parties and candidates in more than two dozen countries since 2014. These efforts often aim to install pro-Russian, anti-Ukraine voices in office. By pushing for transparency in campaign finance, robust counter-intelligence, and public awareness of propaganda tactics, citizens can immunize their societies against such manipulation. If you live in a young democracy (say in Eastern Europe, the Balkans, or Central Asia), be vigilant about Kremlin-backed NGOs or media in your country – expose them. Support fact-checkers and pro-democracy NGOs that shine light on how Moscow operates. In essence, close the door to Kremlin interference. When Russia fails to bully or co-opt countries through hybrid warfare, those countries remain united with Ukraine and resistant to Russia’s divide-and-conquer strategies. A strong democratic front worldwide makes it harder for Putin to find weak links to exploit or new fronts to ignite. And for Ukrainians, seeing stable democracies stand firm undermines Putin’s false narrative that the West will crumble over time. By safeguarding our elections and institutions from Russian meddling, we create an international environment that is resolute on ending the war with a just outcome.

Third-Order Measures (Supportive or Humanitarian) Link to heading

These steps may not directly damage the Russian military or economy, but they provide vital moral, logistical, and human support to Ukraine and maintain the will to resist. They also help uphold the values under attack. Third-order measures create the conditions and solidarity needed for Ukraine to prevail in the long run.

Boycotting Russian Goods and Services Link to heading

Consumers around the world have power in their wallets. Refusing to buy Russian products or services is a straightforward way to personally sanction the aggressor. This includes obvious items like Russian vodka, caviar, diamonds, and oil, but also cultural and travel boycotts. Millions of people have chosen not to vacation in Russia, not to attend performances by state-funded Russian ensembles, and not to do business with companies that continue operating in Russia. The impact is cumulative: demand for Russian exports plummets, dozens of foreign brands pull out of the Russian market, and the Russian economy suffers slow decay. Over 1,000 international companies – from McDonald’s and Coca-Cola to IKEA and Shell – have curtailed operations in Russia beyond what was legally required, largely under public pressure and out of repulsion at the war. This mass corporate exodus has cost Russia significant jobs and revenue, straining its war footing. For an individual, boycotting might mean checking labels at the store (e.g. avoid Russian-origin metals or fertilizers), or using alternative software instead of Kaspersky antivirus, etc. It’s about cutting off even the small streams of hard currency that finance Putin’s budget. Notably, grassroots boycotts also send a powerful moral message to ordinary Russians as they see global brands leave: the world will ostracize them until the aggression ceases. A boycott alone won’t stop a tank, but it contributes to the larger sanction pressure and chips away at Russia’s ability to fund war. It’s a daily act of protest that anyone, anywhere can do.

Spreading Truth and Countering Disinformation Link to heading

One of Russia’s weapons is propaganda. Kremlin media and troll farms aggressively push false narratives: that Ukraine is run by “Nazis,” that atrocities are “staged,” that Western support will “provoke WWIII,” etc. Fighting these lies with truth is essential. By sharing accurate information, fact-checks, and first-hand accounts from Ukraine, you help undermine Russia’s information warfare. For example, when Russia concocted a conspiracy about U.S.-backed “bioweapon labs” in Ukraine, independent experts and the UN quickly debunked it as baseless, preventing that lie from gaining traction. Every time you post a factual explainer or correct someone in an online discussion with verified sources, you’re performing a small but meaningful act to defend the information space. It’s especially important to reach audiences that might be swayed by Russian media – perhaps older relatives on Facebook, or communities in Africa, Asia, and Latin America where Russian state TV and diplomats spread misinformation. Encourage people to follow trustworthy outlets and Ukrainian voices. Share stories of Ukrainian courage and Russian war crimes that Russian propaganda tries to bury. The Ukrainian government has even asked supporters to “read and share only verified news” to help win the truth battle. This matters because public opinion can influence governments’ decisions on support for Ukraine. If disinformation weakens Western unity or makes some populations apathetic, it could slow aid and prolong the war. By speaking truth to propaganda, you help maintain the international unity and moral clarity needed to see this through. In Russia itself, truth is heavily censored – but smuggling facts to Russians (through VPNs, exile media, calling random Russians to tell them what’s happening, etc.) can chip away at support for the war. It is often said that truth is the first casualty of war; by reviving truth, we bring peace closer.

Sharing Knowledge with Ukrainians (Languages, Cybersecurity, Combat Medicine) Link to heading

Many people have skills that can aid Ukrainians in wartime. Language volunteers have been teaching English (and other languages) to Ukrainians, both soldiers and refugees, enabling them to communicate with allies or adapt in foreign countries. Cybersecurity experts from around the world have offered free training and services to Ukraine’s government and businesses to fend off Russian cyber attacks. Medics and military trainers have traveled to Ukraine or conducted online courses on everything from first aid to infantry tactics. For example, a U.S. Army veteran known as “Kirk” volunteered in Ukraine to train territorial defense volunteers in small-unit tactics and to teach local doctors and nurses trauma care for treating war injuries. His efforts meant newly mobilized civilians could fight more effectively and medical personnel could save lives in emergencies. Such knowledge transfer has an exponential effect: those trainees will in turn teach others. If you have expertise – be it IT, engineering, medicine, psychology (for trauma counseling), or languages – find a way to share it with Ukrainians. Many organizations coordinate these efforts (for instance, groups arranging online coding classes for Ukrainians who lost jobs, or experts helping set up secure communication networks). By strengthening Ukraine’s human capital, you help the society endure and function under war conditions. Every civilian who learns cybersecurity might thwart a hack on critical infrastructure; every volunteer medic trained could be the difference between life and death for wounded soldiers. Even cultural knowledge helps – learning Ukrainian yourself or teaching Ukrainian kids about your country builds people-to-people connections. This solidarity not only improves Ukraine’s resilience now but also lays groundwork for a faster recovery after the war.

Providing Shelter for Refugees Link to heading

The Russian invasion displaced millions of Ukrainians, causing the largest refugee crisis in Europe since WWII. Neighboring countries, and indeed compassionate families across Europe and beyond, opened their homes to host Ukrainians fleeing bombs. Offering refugees shelter is a profoundly humane act that also helps Ukraine strategically. How? It eases the burden on Ukraine’s government and economy to support those people, allowing more resources to go to the front. It keeps Ukrainian families safe so that soldiers can fight knowing their loved ones are cared for. And it preserves Ukraine’s human capital for the future – most refugees dearly want to return home when it’s safe. By hosting a Ukrainian mother and children for a few months, you are directly enabling Ukraine’s war effort, as one more family is out of harm’s way and the state can focus on fighting. Countries like Poland, Romania, Moldova, Germany, and Canada have taken in large numbers; more than 6 million Ukrainian refugees are registered across Europe. This mass hospitality is an extraordinary example of global solidarity. If you have space or resources, you can join this effort via programs like UK Homes for Ukraine, UN refugee agencies, or local community initiatives. Even if you cannot host long-term, donating to refugee assistance organizations or helping newcomers integrate (with translation, childcare, job hunting) is valuable. Welcoming refugees isn’t “solving” the war militarily, but it mitigates its worst humanitarian consequences and upholds the principle that Putin’s aggression cannot break our empathy. It sends a powerful message that the world stands with Ukraine’s people. And practically, when peace comes, those refugees – thanks to our support – will be ready to go back and rebuild their homeland.

Acquiring First Aid and Medical Support Skills Link to heading

For those in or near Ukraine, one of the most life-saving contributions can be to get trained in emergency medicine. The war has created countless situations where civilians are the first responders to missile strikes or battlefield injuries. Knowing how to stop bleeding, splint a fracture, or perform CPR can save someone’s life in a war zone. Many Ukrainians have taken crash courses in tactical combat casualty care, and foreign volunteers (paramedics, nurses, military medics) have helped run these trainings. If you are in a NATO country, consider taking a certified combat medic course or at least a basic first aid class with organizations like the Red Cross. Some volunteers then travel to Ukraine to serve as combat medics on the front lines or to assist in hospitals overwhelmed with wounded. Even outside Ukraine, having more trained medics among the volunteer community is helpful; they can be deployed quickly if a mass casualty event occurs (for example, a sudden influx of wounded at a border). Additionally, collecting and sending medical supplies is crucial – but knowing what to send (tourniquets, chest seals, blood clotting agents) requires understanding of battlefield medicine, which you gain through training. In short, by equipping yourself with medical skills, you increase the collective capacity to preserve life amid war, ensuring more Ukrainians survive to see victory. In the long term, a populace educated in first aid also strengthens national resilience against not just war, but any disaster. Medicine is as important as ammunition in this fight, and anyone can devote time to learn it.

Avoiding Mobilization in Russia Link to heading

If you are a Russian citizen subject to the draft, simply refusing to be mobilized is an act of non-cooperation that undermines Putin’s war. This can overlap with leaving Russia to evade conscription, as discussed, but even those who stay can dodge the draft through various means. Some hide within the country, moving frequently; others secure fake medical exemptions; there have even been reports of self-injury to avoid service (though one hopes it doesn’t come to that). The effect of mass draft evasion has been apparent: when Russia announced “partial mobilization,” chaotic scenes unfolded – enlistment offices torched, protests in ethnic minority regions, and an estimated 260,000 men fleeing in the first two weeks. Such resistance limits Russia’s ability to throw fresh troops into Ukraine as cannon fodder. Indeed, the mobilization drive has faced widespread evasion efforts, confirming that many Russians do not want to die for Putin’s ambitions. Every potential draftee who successfully avoids being sent to Ukraine translates to one less trigger pulled at Ukrainian soldiers. If enough Russians refuse, it forces the regime to rely on less trained mercenaries or conscripts from poorer regions, reducing combat effectiveness. As an individual, telling draft officers “no” (or simply not showing up) in Russia is extremely brave – the regime criminalizes it. But even minor slowdowns, like misplacing paperwork or being “unreachable,” can buy time. Families can support their draft-age men in hiding. Western countries can assist by offering asylum or humanitarian visas specifically for Russians fleeing conscription (some have done so). It’s a grim measure, but convincing ordinary Russians that “your life is worth more than Putin’s war” can create internal pressure to stop the conflict. When the pool of compliant soldiers dries up, the war cannot continue.

Preparing Western Democracies’ Militaries Link to heading

While Ukraine fights on the front line, allied nations should strengthen their own defenses. This has a dual benefit: it deters Russia from expanding the war or threatening NATO, and it allows those militaries to better support Ukraine with training and equipment. Individuals serving in Western armed forces or defense industries play a role here by ensuring their units are ready, well-trained, and equipped for modern warfare lessons coming out of Ukraine. For example, NATO has significantly raised its alert posture – increasing high-readiness forces from 40,000 to over 300,000 troops – to bolster the alliance’s eastern flank. If you’re a soldier in a NATO country, participating in those enhanced rotational deployments in places like Poland or the Baltics contributes to a powerful message of unity against aggression. Additionally, Western militaries have been training Ukrainian soldiers on new weapons systems; by being prepared to host and instruct more Ukrainian personnel, they multiply Ukraine’s combat power. Defense engineers and procurement officials can expedite production of critical munitions and systems not only for national stockpiles but also for transfer to Ukraine. On the citizen level, supporting increased defense budgets and force modernization is prudent – voters have influence here. The reality is, Putin’s war has reminded the free world that peace must be guarded by strength. By preparing our militaries, we shorten the war by making it clear to Russia that escalation or persistence is futile. Strong Western militaries also free up more experienced advisors and spare equipment that can be sent to Ukraine without compromising national security. In summary, though this measure is indirect, it creates a safety net and pressure multiplier around the conflict. It helps ensure that Ukraine is not fighting alone and that Russia cannot spread the war – conditions that favor a quicker end to hostilities.

Participating in DDoS Operations Link to heading

In the digital arena, hacktivists and ordinary tech users worldwide have joined Ukraine’s cause by attacking Russian websites and online services. Distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks flood target servers with traffic, knocking them offline. Ukraine’s “IT Army” – a volunteer cyber force organized via Telegram – rallied hundreds of thousands of people with laptops to take part in daily cyber offensives. By using simple tools (often provided by the IT Army coordinators), these volunteers have disrupted Russian government portals, state media sites, banks, and railway booking systems. While a DDoS won’t destroy infrastructure, it creates chaos and inconvenience for the aggressor, and it’s a novel form of crowd-sourced cyber warfare. If you have a computer and internet connection, you too can contribute to these digital strikes (bearing in mind the legal considerations in your country). The IT Army posts target lists and how-to guides in multiple languages. At any given time, there might be 3,000–10,000 active participants running attack scripts – imagine a globe-spanning volunteer botnet for good. They have successfully taken down Russian propaganda outlets and even briefly crippled the stock exchange and transport systems. Such attacks sap Russian morale and send the message that even behind the front lines, they are under siege. DDoS operations have also foiled Russian censorship, for example by targeting the sites of Roskomnadzor (the internet regulator) and thereby slowing its ability to block news. It’s important to coordinate with established teams like the IT Army rather than freelancing (to avoid hitting unintended targets). Cyber activism is an accessible way for tech-savvy citizens to directly harass Putin’s regime. It won’t win the war on its own, but it complements military actions and demonstrates global tech solidarity with Ukraine. When done ethically and strategically, a keyboard becomes a weapon against tyranny.

Convincing Nationalist Sympathizers Inside Russia Link to heading

Interestingly, not all Russians who oppose how the war is going are pro-Western liberals; some are hardline nationalists upset that the war isn’t achieving “glory” or that Putin’s regime is corrupt. Engaging with these elements is delicate but could be impactful. If even the pro-war camp in Russia turns against the current leadership or loses belief in victory, it can accelerate the end of fighting. For instance, prominent ultra-nationalist bloggers and ex-officers like Igor Girkin (Strelkov) have lambasted the Kremlin’s military failures and even called Putin a lowlife for mismanaging the war. Such figures have followers among military and security personnel. Showing them that the war is actually weakening Russia – depleting its army, wrecking its economy, and diminishing its global stature – might broaden their dissent from mere grumbling into an insistence to stop. As an outside supporter of Ukraine, you obviously don’t endorse their nationalist views, but you can amplify their criticisms when they align with ending the war. Quoting disillusioned Russian commanders or sharing reports of how exhausted and ill-equipped Russian units are (facts coming even from pro-Russia sources) can sow doubt among war supporters. Another angle is humanitarian: encourage Russians with patriotic feelings to reckon with the reality that this war is destroying the very Ukrainian cities (like Odesa, Kyiv) that they claim as part of historic “Rus’.” Appeal to shared human stories – for example, some Russian soldiers’ mothers initially believed state TV, but when confronted with letters from Ukrainians or evidence of atrocities, their perspective shifted to horror at what their sons were ordered to do. Initiatives have emerged where Ukrainians reach out to Russian relatives via messaging apps to carefully share the truth. It’s slow, and hardcore nationalists may be unchangeable, but every mind changed inside Russia erodes domestic support for continuing the war. If enough influencers and citizens in Russia from across the spectrum conclude “this war is a mistake,” Putin will face immense pressure to seek an exit. Thus, dialogue (even indirect) with Russians – including those inclined to be patriotic – is a third-order but morally important effort. We fight not against the Russian people, but against the aggression; convincing some of them of that can shorten the path to peace.

Closing words Link to heading

Direct action, indirect pressure, and humanitarian solidarity are all crucial in bringing this war to an end. First-order measures hit Russia’s war-fighting capability head on – by boosting Ukraine’s military strength or undercutting Russia’s forces immediately. Second-order measures chip away at the supports and structures enabling the war – isolating Russia politically, starving it economically, and impeding its logistics and alliances. Third-order measures fortify Ukraine’s people and values – ensuring Ukrainians can endure the hardship and continue to resist with the knowledge that the world stands with them.

No single measure will end the war overnight, but each one shortens the war’s duration and brings a just peace closer. Every drone funded, every railway sabotaged, every refugee sheltered, every truth told – they all strike a blow against Putin’s aggression. The war will end when Russia’s capacity to continue is broken and its leadership realizes they cannot suppress Ukraine’s liberty. By taking the actions above, ordinary people and governments together hasten that day. This is a fight not just for Ukraine’s freedom, but for the principle that international order cannot be destroyed by brute force.

The most effective path to peace is helping Ukraine win on the ground while Russia is weakened on all other fronts. In practice, that means maximizing first-order contributions like fighting and funding, sustaining second-order pressure through sanctions, diplomacy and law, and maintaining third-order support to uphold the spirit and humanity of those affected. The brutal reality is that Putin’s regime shows no willingness to negotiate a fair peace at the moment – so the war must be ended by defeating his campaign. The collective actions described serve that end.

History will remember not only the leaders and soldiers, but also the citizens around the world who chose to act. By following this playbook of first, second, and third-order measures, we increase the probability that this unjust war ends sooner rather than later, sparing lives and restoring stability. Everyone can do something: whether it’s donating a few dollars, hosting a refugee family, writing to a politician, or even taking up arms. The sum of these efforts is Ukraine’s strength and Russia’s undoing. If we stay united and continue to push on all three levels, we will help Ukraine achieve the victory and peace it so deeply deserves, and thereby end the war.